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 ' J: I h i i' '-i 5;S U Ml The Statidatd UABEDALG AFBIL IS. 1886 HOME RULE. PtiU Report of Mr. Glad stone's Great Speech.. Outline of the Home Enle Bill, Legislative and Administer- ative Autonomy Conceded. Imperial Unity With Legis- lative Diversity. Irishmen to leave West- minster. IHPEBIAL GOVBBNMENT RETURN! CONTROL OF CUSTOMS, EXCISE, AHUED FORCES, CONST ABULABY, COINAGE, FOREIGN AND COLONIAL RELATIONS, AMD ROYAL PREROGATIVES â€" AL- MOST EVERYTHINaELSE CONCEDED. London, April 8. â€" In the House of Com- mons to-day at five o'clock Mrs Gladstone rose amid enthusiastic cheering and moved ior permission to introduce a Bill to amend the previous legislation, and to make provision for the future government of Ireland. On making this motion, Mr. Gladstone said â€" •'I could wish that it bad hoen possible to expound to the House the whole poUcy and intentions of the Government with reference to Ireland. Although the question of reform in the tenure of land the Irish government are so closely and inseparably connected, it is yet impossible to undertake the task of elucidating ' BOTH QUESTIONS TOOETHSB. I do not know of any previous lask laid upon me involvmg so diversified an exposition. In contemplating the magnitude of this task, I am filled with painful mistrust, but that mistrust is absorbed in a feeling of the re- sponsibility that will be upon me if I should fail to bring home to the public mind the magnitude and the various aspects of the ..q.uestion. We should NO liONGEB FEHCC or skirmi.'ih with this question, (Loud cheers.) We should come to close quarters v,-ith it â€" (6heers) â€" we should get at the root of it we should take iceaus not merely in- tended for the wants of to-day or to-morrow, but should look into the distant future. We have arrived at a stage in our political TBANSAGTIONSWITH IBELAND when the two roads part one frcm the other, not soon probably to meet again. The time is come when it is incumbent on the duty and the honor of Parliament to come to some decisive resolution on this matter. Our in- tention is, therefore, to propose to the Commons that which, IF HAPPILY ACCBPTBD, will, we think, liberate Parliament from the restraints under which, of late years, it has ineffectually struggled to perform the busi- ness of the country, and will restore British legislatian to its natural, ancient, unimpeded eoursc, and. above all, establish haimonious relations between Great Britain and Ireland â€" (hear, hear)^on a footing of THOSE FBEE INSTITCTIONS fo which Englishmen Scotchmen, and Irish- men tliKe are unalterably attached." (Loud cheers, proclamed by the Home Eule mem- bers.) After reviewing the condition and crime existing in Ireland since 1833, Mr. Glailstone describes the coercive legislation enforced during. the same peiiod as not ex- ceptional but habitual. He compared Ireland during all this period to a man trying to find sustenance in medicine only meant for cure. Coercion, however, had, he said, proved no cure. SBBIOUS niSSATIBFACTION coi^tiaued to prevail in Ireland, and if Eng- land aad Scotland had suffered similar hard- ships, he believed the people of those coun- tries would resoit to means similar to those tiie Irish had used to ventilate their griev- ances. (Parnellite cheers.) Coercion was admitted to have BBEH A FAILUBE for the past 5S years, only two of which had been wholly free from repressive legislation. Coercion, unless steam and unbending, and under an autocratic Government, must always fail. Such coercion England should never ^esort to until every other meau^ httd failed. What was the basis oi THE WHOLE MISCHIEF, TVMs the fact that the law was discredited in Iteland. It eame to the Irish people with a foreign aspect, and their alternative to coer- x:iou was to strip the law of its foreign â- â- hiiracter and invest it with a domestic character. (Lond Irish chdT8.) Ireland, tliough represented in Parliament nnmeri. vally eqnal with England or Scotland, 'was reiiily not in the same position politically, Jilngfcmd MASK USB OWK I.AWS. Scotland has been encouraged to make lur own laws as efifeetttaUy si if sue had six times hey present representation. The con- â- eqncnae vaa tbat tb" mainapriug of the law in J^ogland andikotland was felt to be tlie F-i'g""" oc Seote i. I'jih mauupring of the law in OtiKaA wa not felt by the peoide pf Ireland to be Imb he thenfore deemed it Uttle V ZMU rout mocxbbt' to hold tbat the state «( the law which he tuKl ieaaakti w p 41a f to tbe n«l unit^ e( Irelaad de- the thtf great, m6^ ^t^^^^ii^Ur -SwnethiBgnresPbe done." ombn«»4 Mr, Gladstone, "86iB*tMnig » unp«»tiTe^ manded froni'ntf td' leetorT ui fint eonditicnifntf IVn life thtf the Uberty of every ihdl^TiU'iii^i da^if^ of everv legal right, their confidence m the law. and their sympathy with the Uw, apart fnm which no couhtry can be called a civil- ized count.y." What, then, was the problffli before him It was this :â€" How to reconcile mPEBlAL tnfITT with diversity of Legislatures. Mr. Grattan held that these parposes were reconcilable- more than that, he demanded a severance of the Parliaments with a view to the cpntmuity and everlasting unity of the Empire. Was that an audacious paradox Other countries had SOLVED THE .PBOBLEM, and under mitch more difficult circumstances. We ourselves might be said to have solved it with re^peet to Ireland during the time that Ireland had a separate Parliament. Did it destroy the jtnity.of'the British Empire? (Cheers.) Mr Gladstone then pomted to the case ot Norwaj and Sweden, which countries were he said, umted upon a footing ot strict LEGISLATIVE INDEPEHDBNCE and c©-equalitv. Then there was, he added, the case of Austria and Hungary, and vnth regard to those countries he asked whether the condition of Austria at tha present mom ent was hot more perfectly solid, secure, and harmonious than it was prior to the existmg condition between that country and Hungary. It could not be questioned that its condition was one of SOLiniTT AND SAFETT, compared with that of the time when Hun- gary was making war upon ker. The claim of Ireland te make laws ior herself was never denied, continued Mr. Gladstone, until the reign of George H- The Parliament of Graltan was as independent in point of authority as it could be They (the Govern- ment) were not about to propose the repeal of the Union. It was impossible to propose the repeal of the Union until they had settled what was the essence of the Union. He defined the essence of the Union to be the fact that, wuereas BEFOBE THE UNION, there was two seperate and independent Parhaments, after the Union there was but one. To speak of the dismemberment of the Empire, was in this century a misnomer and and an absurdity. The fault of the ad- ministerative system of Ireland was that its spring and source of action was unjust. (Cheers.) The Government, therefore, felt we to that the settlement of the question was to be BlMold eoA« totlie ,Ho*eer^«WW«J ihat obtfld nxt he do»e. ?*, V^, tTISSI atrivad at the ebnelpaon^jMJg; ':;:^ If Wafi'iteihl^rs werento«tej« WJgHo^ of Commomi. Irish Teers odghl Titt«t6 SIT IN THE OXHKB House of Parliament (H««' ^f"' ""^^J J How were the Irish peo^e to be ^ed il thevhad leRisbitorsinbotti countries? He Sd th^Great Britain would never im- SSuponlrehmd taxation without represen- LTionf^d added. ' If we were to have taxa- tion without representation, then tne«. would come anothfix question which would raise a practical difficulty, and that is, are give up THE FISCAL UNITI j of the Empire " He did not think that by Kiving np the fiscal unity of the Empire they were giving up the unity of the Empire. He, however, stood upon the substantial ground that to give up the fiscal unity of the Empire would be a public inconvenience and misfor- tune. It would be a great MISFOETUNE FOB GBEAT BBITAIN and a greater misfortune for Ireland. He oon- oeiyed that one escape from that dilemma would be such an arrangement as would give the Imperial Goveinment authority to levy Customs duties and such Excise duties a were immediately connected with the Cus- toms. The conditions of such an arrange- ment were firstly, that the general power of taxation over and above these particular duties should pass unequivocaUy into the hands of a domestic Legislature m Ireland secondly, that the proceeds of the CUSTOMS AND TEXCISB should be held for the benefit of Ireland and for the discharge of the obligations of Ire- land, and the payment of the balance after these obligations were discharged should be entered into the Irish Exchequer and before the free disposal of the Irish legislative body. The Government Bill provided for this, and the Bill then provided that the representa- tives of Ireland should no longer sit in the House of Commons or the Irish peers in the House of Lords, but at the same time they would have the right of addressing the Crown, and so possess all THE CONSTITUTIONAL BIGHTS they had now. (Oh and cheers.) It would therefore relieve Irish members fiom attend- ance at Westmmster. Mr. Gladstone said he had seyeral reasons why this should be the case, even if it was possible for them to attend, as they had a Parliament of their -INi^ found by establishing A PABLIAMXNT IN nUBLIX â€" (Irish cheers) â€" for the conduct of business own, and it would be yery difficult to have of both a legislative and administratiire nature The political economy of the three countries must be reconciled. There should be an equitable distribution of Imperial burdens next, there'must be re- asonable safeguards for the minority, and why could not this ininority in Ireland take care of itself? He had no doubt about its ability to do that, when we have pressed through the PBESBNT CBITICIL PEBIOS, and been disarmed of the jealousies with which any change was approached. But for the present there were three classes of people whom they were boundto consider :--Firstly, subjects the class connected witli the Wnd seciindly, the civil servants and officers of the Govern- ment in Ireland thirdly, the Protestant minority. The speaker could not admit the claim of THE FBOTESTANT HINOBITV in Â¥Ister or elsewhere to rule on questions which were for the whole of Ireland. Several schemes for the seperate government of Ulster had been submitted to him. One was that Ulster Province should be excluded from the operations of the present Bill. Another waa that A SEPABATE AUTONOUT fhould he provided for Ulster, and a third suggested that certain rights should, be re- served and placed under provincial councils. None of these proposals had appeared to the Governm^t to be so completely justified by its merits, or by the weight of public opinion in its favor, as to warrant the Goyeinment in includnig it ig their Bill. However, they deserved fair consideration, and the free dis- cussion that would follow the introduction of the present Bill miglit LEAD TO THE DISCOVEBT of one plan which had a predominating amount of support, and the Government seemed Mkely to give genial satisfaction Referring to the great setilement of 1782, Mr. Gladstone said '-It was not a real settlement, and why Was it Ireland that prevented a real settlement being made? (Irish cheers.) No it was A )IISTA£EN POLICY of England, listening to the pernicious voice and claims of ascendancy. (Hear.) The Irish Parliament labored under great disadvant- ages. Yet it had in it a spark of the spirit of freedom, and it emancipated the Eoman Catholics in Irelai^d when the Boman Catho- bcs in England w6re still anemancipated. It received Lord Fitzwilliam with open arms, and when after a brief career he was recalled to England the Irish Pai liament registered rj S CONFIDEXCB IN HIM by passing a resolution desiring that he should still administer the Government. Lord Fitzwilliam had promoted the admisaion of Boman Catholics into the Irish Parliament and there was a spirit in that Parhament which, if it had had free scope, would have done noble work, and probably would have solved all the Irish problems and have, saved this Government inifinite trouble." He would now pass to the plan HOW 10 OrVB IBBLAND a Legislature to deal with Irish as distin- guished ^om Imperial affairs. (Hear.) He was confronted at the outset with what he felt to be a formidable dilemma. Ireland wa^ to have a domestic Legislature lor Irish aiEaus. That was his postulate from which he set OTt. Were the Irish members and the Irish representative peers in either House to pontinne to fc/rm part of the repreeenU. *»^«, »?«»^«? The speaker thought it would be perfeeUy clear that if Ireland waa two classes yf membeis in the Biitish House â€" one class who could VOTE ON ALL QUESTIONS connected with the business of the country, and another which could only vote on special and particular questions which were brought before Parliament. Again, it would be very difficult for gentlemen in.lreland to decide who should go to Westminster or who should remain in Ireland, and at the same time to maintain the fiscal unity of the nation. There is another point vi^ regard to the POWEBS OF THE LEGISLATUBE. Two courses might have been taken-^â€" one was to endow this legislative body with par- ticular legislative powers the other was to except from the spherb of its action those which the Government thought ought to be excepted, and to leave to it every other power. The latter plan had been adopted. The administrative power would pass with the legislative power. The dura- tion of the proposed legislative body should NOT EXCEED FIVE TEABS. The functions which it was proposed to with- draw from the cognizance. of the legislative body were three grand and principal func- tions, yiz., everything which related to the Crown all that which belonged to the de- fence â€" the anny, the navy, the entire organ ization of the armed forces, and our foreign and Colonial relations. It would to hwro a doaestio Legidatare the Ixiah peeti •nd the Irish reprasentatiTea eoald not oona to Parhament to control Em^nd'a and Soot- NOT BB COUFETENT to pass laws for the estabhshment or endow- ment of any particular reUgion. (Cheers.) As to trade and navigation, it would be a misfortune to Ireland to bo separated from England the liish Parliament would have nothing te do with coinage, or the creation of legal tender. The subject of the poitoffice would be left to the judgment of Parhament, though the Government inclined to the view that it would be more convenient to leaye postoffice matters in the hands of THK P0ST3IASIEB GBXEBJIL. Quarantine and one or two other subjscts were left in the same category. The next subject he had to approach was that of the composition of the proposed legislative bodv. The Bill proposed to introduce two orders who would sit and deliberate together, with the right of voting separately on any occasion and on the demand of either body, which could be able to interpose a veto upon any measure for a limited time, either until the dissolution or FOB THBEK YKAKS. The orders would be constituted as follows â€" ^ir;it, there were the 28 representative speers who could not coDtinae to sit in the House of Lords after the representatives of the Iriah people left the House of Commons. The would have the option of sitting, as a portion of the first order in the Irish Parlia- ment with the power of sitting for life. Some people thought that the option was not likely to be largely used, but the speaker waa not of that number, (Hear, hear.) He proposed that with 28 KEXaa NOW IN THE BOUSS CT LpKDa, there shonld sit 75 representativee elected by the Irish people. Witii regard to the powers of election, the constitaency would be composed of occupiers oi the value of £25 and upwards, and they would be eleoted for ten years- The property quahiication of these leptesenUtives would be «200 annoal value, or a capiial value of £4,000. Mr. GiadsUme then said he proposed that the 101 Irish niMabers.iu the Honae of Commons should be members of the Irish Parhament and whitat the first order of the legislative body weold consist of one hundred and three meinboa, thfrs«Bond order would (Mmsiat of two hondted and six. It waa piropoaed to MTAIX TBB VtoaBOT, bath»^oidaQot be the rapresentattre a\ P'ty or quii offioe with tbeuatgoiti(^QQT. JyiEi N. li-OP*^' BLOGlw ttgHdilHailatii£i3il ENVELOPES, KOTE PAPER, PEN3iL8, PEMS. INKS. FANCr GOODS. TOYS. 7'o th^ Peple of Markdila and rouadiiuj vUihity' ' sitr- Havijig* opened' a' Stattoriery anci Fincy Godds StOi'e in Dtiinlop's "Block. I hereby solicit a share of public patro- nage. Hoping that our intercourse mar prove both pleasant aad profitable, I am, yours truly, MRS. CLEMEMT. mA bic.e;, Bl8tl)ll|!| A call respectfully solicited, MBS. CLEMENT, HAVE YOU FELT THE » It is shaking the Town and County, from centre to circum- ference, and completely pulverizing and paralyzing all competition. We are all bound for 8 To find out the cause of such a commotion. It is generally supposed to have been created by the Outrageously Low Prices A.T WinCfl KKf APP IS SELUNG THE IMMENSE STOCK OP xe.^isiiTS,l Oysfers by the Gallon. Canned Goads of all kinds. CIG--tt-Kft Aand everything kept in a first-class Grocery. Which he has just received. He has goods that will gladden the hearts »' the Young, the OH, the Rich and the Poorâ€" everybody,, in fact-a gladdening process don't cost much, eitker. Be sure and call at KNAPP'S for he will not kj undersold. Remember, HANBURY'S OLD STAND. Spectacles and Eye-Glasses| ASS THE ONLY GENUINE ENGLISH ARTlOi^' â€" m THii â€" â-  Tests Real Pebbles are kept in stockv^ are given to Purchasers to prove _it\ They are recommended by and testimonials ha^eJ' -ioft- ,c*i Preflident, Vice-Pweident, Ex-President and Ex-Vice-Presiaen ^^^jj Association of Canada the President of the College of ^^Vnt^o^^'bl {;eou8 of Qasbec the Dean of the Medical Faculty of ij'*^ gcotis.*^' Prendenc and Ex-Presiuents of the Medical Council of sioy» tiiair qi These recomme atious ought to be suScient to ft^^ fcut it far^r proof k needed, call on " .^Jji A, TU/Hit»^^„,f,t- Chemists and 1^^. The ooly p^ce ui town where they can be o Spectales fitted on scientilic principle- riaafa^