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C. Mortimer Bezeau
12 Ellen St. East
Kitchener, Ontario.
August 28, 1943
P E R S O N A L
Right Honourable W L.Mackenzie King
Ottawa, Canada.
My dear Mr. King:-
Now that parliament has adjourned, and the war has assumed a new phase, I trust that the mental and physical strain of the last several months will have decreased appreciably and you will be able to relax sufficiently to maintain good health
I observe that recently you completed twenty-five years as leader of the Liberal Party - a long time in the life of a man and, measured by events, a long time in the life of a comparatively young country such as Canada. During that period this country, has risen from a mere colony to become one of the great countries of the world; and to be universally recognized as such. In the molding of all those events of which we may justly be proud you have taken a foremost part, for which the people of Canada should be truly grateful. I realize that in saying this I am but repeating what has been said by the great men of the world; and in doing so I can entertain no hope of adding to your reputation, or establishing my own. In fact one in humble life might well hesitate, for fear of being misunderstood, to associate one's self in any capacity with those eminent persons who recognize you and your achievements as worthy of their highest praise; but I know you will understand.
Great as have been your past achievements I believe that your most notable contribution to the welfare of Canada and of the world lies in the near future. Looking back over the years that have passed since my early youth I see the rise and fall of a great many political parties in Canada. Some were born of a justifiable desire for more rapid progress toward the higher goal of human welfare; others were born of selfishness and greed. All, save one, have passed away; but those of noble origin, before passing, gave birth to ideas which the years have developed and clarified, and which have become a part of the principles of the Liberal Party, and must live on forever. These principles will live, even though the party, as a political entity, should die. But the Liberal Party need not die. It should be as enduring as the principles which brought it into being, and molded and sustained it throughout the years. Visualizing the future in the light of the past the impartial student of Canadian affairs can scarcely avoid the belief that the welfare of Canada in the years to come will be linked with the Liberal Party; but if the Liberal Party is to accomplish that for which it was designed it must divest itself of those subversive elements which
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now, as in the past, appear to hold the balance of power within the Party.
Unless the conservative elements within the Liberal Party read the signs of the times aright and,, grudgingly if not graciously, accept the inevitable they will drag the Liberal Party down to defeat; in which case a worse thing than that which they hope to avoid will overtake them. But there is little ground upon which to build a hope that these people will see the light before it is too late.
In this connection I recall that over thirty years ago you mentioned to me how hopeless it then was to attempt to enlighten on any great question the minds of men whose time is so wholly given to work which, where it is continuous, must have a deadening effect upon the faculties. Akin to that is the futility of attempting to enlighten on any economic question the minds of men schooled in old economic theories, and whose lives have been dominated by acquisitive impulses. But the principles of the Liberal Party will survive because they are founded upon the eternal principles of right, truth and justice, without which the human race itself cannot survive, much less make progress. It may be that they will survive under another name, for names do not alter things; perhaps in a modified form; perhaps in a slightly distorted form - but they will live on.
One thing that strikes me with considerable force is that the world is at war with itself for a new world order. The Axis and the Allied powers each promise a new world order after its own kind. If by any chance Hitler and his gang were to win this war we most certainly would get what he promises - a new world order.
But what when the Allies win? Already we can see the forces of greed and selfishness at work in this country to restore pre-war conditions, even at the risk of another world upheaval as soon as there is another generation capable of bearing arms.
Bracken and his crowd are promising a new order for Canada; and likewise the C. C.F.; but I have no faith in either. Besides, the people are asking for something more than promises - they want definite action along the lines of a new order. In this respect the Liberal Party has a strategic advantage. It is in power. It can give the people what they ask and what they need - give in concrete form what the others merely promise. The people are asking for freedom from fear and freedom from want.
My understanding of freedom from want is that during a person's productive years he will receive an income sufficient to maintain a comfortable standard of living for himself and wife and family; and when his productive years are ended his income will be sufficient to maintain that standard - not merely enough to hold body and soul together as at present; and the income will be available regardless of age or sex. Otherwise, where will be the freedom from fear and want?
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Never was a more encouraging address delivered to the people of Canada than that from which I quote, and which was delivered by you before the American Federation of Labor assembled in convention last fall:-
"The fear of unemployment is only one of many which arise out of a sense of insecurity to haunt the minds of the workers. These fears arise where, through inadequate compensation, sickness, invalidity or accident the capacity to earn is partially if not wholly lost. Fears arise where extra outlays to meet the most immediate of family needs result in extra privation. Fear is ever present at the mere thought of age being confronted with the alternative of poverty or dependence. Until these fears have been eliminated, the war for freedom will not be won. The era of freedom will be achieved only as social security and human welfare become the main concern of men and nations. The new order must be based on human rights -not on the rights of property, privilege or position."
No more clear analysis of the situation has ever been put into words; but it was not the words that gave encouragement and hope to those who heard so much as the undoubted evidence of the sincerity of the man who uttered them - a sincere desire to do all in his power to correct the conditions so fittingly described. Those who listened were heartened because they had faith in the man who spoke.
The cause of unemployment appears to be understood by only a few. Ever since the days of Benjamin Franklin the people have been urged to save a portion of their earnings to provide for a "rainy day", all forgetful of the fact that money earned and spent provides employment for some other person or persons; while money earned and not spent results in a proportionate decrease in the demand for the products of labor, as well as labor itself. Only when people spend as fast as they earn (as at present, either by themselves or through the government) can we have any assurance of steady employment for all employables. Sir William Beveridge and Professor Marsh admit that their plans do not solve the problem of unemployment. Sir William, in his radio address from Ottawa shortly after his arrival in Canada, said that to encourage "thrift" or saving his plan provides payments to the unemployed regardless of any other source of income. He suggests that when industry becomes slack, this slack be taken up by the government in spending on public works; which is equivalent to saying that the government can spend the money to better advantage than can the people who earn it, by spending it for the things they need and can use. His plan, as well as that of Professor Marsh, would, as now, result in periodical industrial depressions; and necessitate the shifting of people from their homes to other parts of the country and, perhaps to engaged in work for which they are not qualified. But it would not remove the fear of unemployment; nor would it prevent the saving of money which is the cause of unemployment.
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My plan would be to encourage spending by the people to keep the wheels of industry in continuous operation; and by means of assessments on incomes gurantee every person his or her accustomed standard of living when their productive days are ended; or they had become incapacitated from any cause. The more these people have to spend the more they will consume; and the more they consume the more employment there will be for those who are still employable.
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