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Political Miscellany paring addresses to the people of New England, in which they call upon them in the DEIVATK, IN r n > l.F.GtSL.n ITUK Itr .WMMCmrSKlTS, Ot TUB KVCRPl i»ir nr Til fi most solemn manner, and urge them by all the motives which can rouse and actuate them as freemen and patriots, to come forth and interpose their efforts to prevent the MEMORIAL TO CONGRESS. (CONCLVDED ) mad career of our national administration. District of Maine is more exposed 1 he on the seaboard than all New England bemore sides -and 1 might almost say, has the rest of the U. States. 8he is in the vicinity of the Leviathan of the deep-- without the least protectionopen to evety Invasion from the sea, and Col Thatcher, of Warren, said that in addition to the deep interest felt by the whols Commonwealth in the subjects embraced by this memori^r. the people of the District of Maine had certain local and peculiai interests which would, he trusted, re ceivethe attention of the house. As no gentleman from that part of the country had 'riven in favor of the memorial, he would, in addition to a few general icmarks, call (heir attention to the situation of the District of harbors than all the ruin of the country, and must be re moved. We have stiffened immensely under them for four or five years. We now remonstrate against thesyslem which the government is pursuing, ami which experience has proved to be uttcily inefficient as it regards our enemies and is little short Now is an opportunity for the of suicide. democrats of Massachusttts to do themselves immortal honor. Ihcir brethren in New York and other s'ates have set them an example they have renounced their -- faith in the restrictive system, t be deprived effectually of every remnant of her remaining trade, without which it is impossible for her inhabitants to live. If war is proclaimed, you throw upon rhese people a horde of desperadoes, who have fled from Maine to the British provinces, while our foreign enemy will, at her liible to and have dertnincd not to support a Virginian president, but to give taeir suffrages for the friends of commerce and of peace. Would the " republicans" of this state do the same, the weight of Massachusetts might be felt, and the country might be rescued from destruction. Mr. Hor.MLs, of Alfred, -- From ihe proof a design to Maine. This, said Col. T. is one of the most important questions that was ever presented to It is to ascertain The people of this state. the voice of the gre;it people of Massachusetts upon the subject of war with the power pleasure, burn and demolish the towns on These exposed and defencethe seaboard. less people ask you in the name of all that these is dear to man, to attempt to prevent evils. fessions of moderation, and pursue a conciliatory course, which gentle squeamish reluctance, and her outrages merely staled as producing a severe pressure on our neutral righu. The memorial mure than intimate*, that if wo go to war with ICngtanJ, our object cannol be obtained. But, sir, are wc not as well prepared now, a j we were thirty yaarsajoJ A war will create a navy, by wliiili we can defend our maritime rights; ami if a fjiv prc»r~;:a: irimi J: the ;:.- _ of ihe resolution could in.iich up the river Kenilebeck, through the wilderness, and could so near scale the walls of Quebec, 1 should ihink, that now we have, acquired strength and resources, we couM effect the rcducion of that eily and the rest of the provinces would fall of course. Gentlemen talk about our joining to enforce the conliuenial system, and assisting Bonaparte to subdue England, What says Mr. Lloyd on the danger to which England is exposed hy this system : lie onro thought she was lighting for her existence, bur, he says, . and insulted us, that it is time for its to sport them, that though young, yet we can and will defend our rights. The priority of wrongs is not to be considered in discussing this question. Whether Britain Or France was the rights, is, first quence. my aggressor upon our neutral no joit of conseIf one of my neighbor:, trespass on at this time, of is field, it no «cus C 4 >r nnnttrtr n-i -I ; bor to do the same. Both the first and the second do me an injury, and deserve ll..1t [ should punish them. This law nf retail*, tion is noc justifiable no one pretends it in -- -- common affairs of life and nations mus. be governed by the same rules as individuals. If, however, it were pertinent to enthe ter -- into the question, whether Britain or France first violated our neutral rights, I should have no hesitation in saying that Britain wis first. She in 1806 declared ihe coast of France to be in a state ot blockade. As she had no means of enforcing her de. men in the majorily have bran pleased to make during t.'iis session, 1 had expected would ham beon held With. out much crimination of the general go. vcrmncnt, allusion to the continental sya tetn, or ridicule of the terrapin policy. In (his expedition I have been disappointed. I have not been able to discover any more moderation in the langna.se of the majority, than they have exhibited on former occasions, nor have Ihcy treated, with more than thai this debate their usual deference, the constituted authoit is not of any me individually, others are pleased to consider 1I1U question, or to manage this debate. I shall states few of my reasons against adopting tlis reported memorial, and h't others judge, how much regard is due to them. A crisis has arrived in the affairs of our u that 1 dream has passod away," claration, this blockade received the of the paper blockade. Afterwards name Bona whether in the that commands the ocean present defenceless state of our seaboard, when the government has refused to make the least preparation to defend our coasts, we shall invite the utter destruciiun of the -- and luminous [ Here Col. T. took an able vle*v of the policy of our government in relation not supposed this a proper place or a proper occa&JOO to electioneer for the next president, nor do I believe it right lo hail reflect upon our parte, elated with his success in conquering the king of Prussia, declared the British islands in a stare of blockade. Certainly Br't- sister slates. 'I his compa- a navy, which he showed to be indispensably necessary to protect our comto ring of different sections of ihe country is invidious, and I fear will be the means even- tainwas the first to violate our neutral rights by the blockading system. I remnant of our present commerce, and expose our seaport towns to be buttered down and laid under contribution. In this subject the people of Maine are most deeply ihev have 300 miles of coast inteteitcd completely at the mercy of any naval force that m;iy choose to invade them, and are, a vast majority of them, opposed to a war. This it not a party question. The interests of all ate alike concerned, and all ought to have the same feelings on the subject. We should put off our sandals at the door of the temple, and consider ourselves on holy ground. It is surprising to find the reverend Clergy, instead of preaching " peace on earth and good will to men," engaged in advocating an immediate and destructive war. It proves that we have anived at a pitch of infatuation which is not the least alarming circumstance of our present condition. I do not arraign their motives this is not a time for elimination; but I allowed must be to forewai n them that their conduct on this occasion may be deplored by themselves and their constituents, when the zeal of the moment shall have yielded little merce, defend «ur coasts and harbours, and prevent those attacks and insults, which our own voluntary weakness naturally invites and urged the propriety of deferring an offensive war, at least till we could provide ; -- some means to prosecute it] Gentlemen seem to debate this question as if our spirit and courage were to be tested by the vote which wc shall now pass. But, sir, nothing can be more unfounded than this idea. It is not a question in which It is the exout spirit is at all involved. pettienctj of war which we are now considerWe are not descended from a race of ing. cowards, The heights of Charlestown and the plains of Lexington are at hand to witness to our national spirit of the nation. But very great importance to rities how of ihe union. 1 cannot sec the necessity of concluding the memorial with so solemn a disclaimer of all parly molives. Those who attest th?ir innocence before they are arcused, generally excite suspicion, and apprehend that congress would have been qtlitrfn likely to believe the fact, if the assertion had not I tually of bringing on a dissolution to injure us, that plaint against France. do not pretend, because Britain was first we have no cause of comShe has trifled with us in negociation and valor ; and if we were again invaded by Britain, or any other nation, the descendants of the heroes of 1775 would prove that they are not a degenerate race. But they feel no very ardent desire to march to the attack of Cana- da ; solid they will not with spirit proceed " in columns," " like a Grecian phalanx," as the pates. [ gentleman from Sedgwick anticiThis would be the most Quixotic crusade that ever was projected since the to dispassionate reflection. I feel incompetent on so important a question, Does that expeditions 10 the Holy Land. gentleman know the strength and situation of Quebec ? Docs he remember the fate of the army under Arnold, and the fall of Monrgnmery ? And rloes he think that in the present state of the public I do justice to ihe subject. It is difficult to compress wiihfe a narrow compass the variety of argUments by which this memorial might be supported. The tight itself of presenting But, sir, this right of it has been disputed. petitioning and remonstrating to our govcrnment, is a right upon which every state This privilege in the union has practised. it was carried us through the revolution the first sU'p which our fathers took towards independence ; and when the lcgislature of Massachusetts are not allowed to exfiress their wishes and feelings on subjects of national concern, they will not be permitted to express those opinions in thtir private capacity. It is a right which we derive from our ancestors, and which has been exin ercised Great Britain during the fiercest and at this late hour, to I , . I mind in New England, with no army and no navy, we ] I -- ] ; j | 1 1 > , wars, and gativc. in times of highest regal preio- ' When we gone. renounce Jlis right, our liberties are It is said there is no necessity for us to raise our voice Congress, to declare war. Hut, sir, on this subject would seem, have determined The proposition was made in the House of Representatives on Tuesday last, and it is of the utmost consequence it that Massachusetts immediately express her opinion. The voice of this great its *ill not be without people I ultimate effect. do not say that we have no cause of war with England. There may be causes of war both with her and France but this is not now the question before us -- wc do not express an opinion upon that subject. It is ; can batter down that fortress, which is the Gibraltar of America, or starve the inhabitants, by cutting off their supplies from the sea* Sir, this idea of starving other nations is not only ridiculous in itself, but '1 hat attempt ruinous in its consequences. has been suflicientlymadeby our administration, and the people of this country have sufGreat fered enough in proving its folly. Britain cannot conquer us, not can we conquer her. These attempts to bring her ;o terms by our non-intercourses and embargoes, have only taught her a secret which the is fatal to our commercial prosperity secret of her own resources, and her entire independence of us for provisions or for a market lor her manufactures. The exertion of our restrictive energies, has prostrated our own strength, but has braced and nerved those whom it was intended to weaken and reduce. It is in adhering to this restrictive system, that we discover our want of spirit and ignorance of our interests. It is here that we show submission, and aWe submit to the conbandon our Tights. tinental system of Bonaparte, by which he would destroy the commerce ol the world country, when our government seem to have determined to assert (heir rights, and 1 wish not to embarrass ihcir councils by our interference. 1 have no fear that government will declare war unnecessarily ; their further forbearance is a sufficient pledge on this The country is suddenly alarmed licad. about an immediate war hut if gentlemen have rightly described our administration, a> destitute of spirit and lost to a sense of national honor, (here surely can be little lo fear from any warlike measures which they may propose or adopt. One objection to forwarding this memorial is, that it will convince our enemies that we arc a divided people. The British government have been told that there is a parly in this country, who will always support her cause and oppose any defensive mea. This intelSI res ot our own government. ligence will he confirmed hy this memorial. Those who administer our government certainly know much better than we, what is the proper course to he pursued. They have been in session six months, and have deliberated on this subject and if no reasons exist now for declaring war, which did not exist si\ months ago, (as gentlemen bave asserted) then war will not be declared, and we* might have spared ourselves the ; 1 ; been made. -Mr. Itooreu, of iVerofiurj/, was surprized at thu desultory naturu of the debate, and that topics so little connected with the question before the house, should be drawn inlo discussion. It was perhaps not to he wondered at, when the reverent! clergy, whose peculiar business it is to preach peace on earth, undertake to advocate war, that they should depart frum (he question immediately under consideration, and direct their remarks to collateral and extraneous subjects. Sir, the question is not about our wrongs; but whether the people are ready for war. What is there t» change our relations since the meeting of congress. ? We have for years been in much the same situation, as regards England, and stilt have not declared war; and now, when Ihe late arrivals from France have changed our relations with that country, and exhibit in still stronger light (ban ever, the hostility and perfidy of that nation tfD precipitately declare war against England ? Sir, wc are wholly unprepared where are our means ? We are without money without a navy, or an army and are we madly to plunge into war ? Some gentlemen fiave denied our right fo address congress on this subject. But if there is any light more dear to a freeman than .ih^ll imprisoned our seaand shamefully insuited our ministers at her court. But let look us across (he channel and see what Britain lias done. She has murdered our citizens, impressed our seamen, and captured and confiscated millions of our properly. The memoiial states that France his prac. tised " duplicity and prevarication" in her negociations with us. This is true 1 ad. mit it. But it is as true of England as of France. England has practised "duplicity and prevarication" in her negociations with our government. She p:rhaps may not have insulted our ministers at her owq court, but her ministers have insulted our govern- -- has men, burned our ships, -- for ment at home. Sir, we have supplicated what we should demand, long enough. We have never been able to make any arrangement with her about impressments. This single subject is ample cause of war. I -have documents to show that for seventeen months past, 55a of our seamen have been impressed of that number only 401 have been discharged by the British government. these 1558 men, G. Britain claims only 203 as her own citizens she claims 57 as having enlisted into her service and only 18 are subjects of foreign governments. On -- 1 Of -- -- calculation we shall find that 869 nf our 1 own citizens that have ben taken wuinu ; -- ; trouble, and our constituents the expellee which this memorial has occasioned. But it is said Mr. Giles is opposed to war, and -- the leader of the majority in Congress. Still less then is (he probability that war will he declared. It is said too, that that lie is members of Congress have lately been home another, it is the right of expressing his opinions uf public measures, and of raising his voice against their destructive course. F.ven in Britain, which some gentlemen have been in the habit of representing as the land of slaves, the voice of the people is heard, and has often effected a change in the ministry, against Ihe will of the monarch. And shall we not, in a republican government, have those rights which (he people months, are still held in bondage. U this no cause of war?-- There is another list of impressed seamen not included in the number just mentioned, which contains 223, of which number 200 are substantiated to be our citizens. If gentlemen dispute this statement, I can produce the budget. Sir, this list is more portentous to the honor and independence of this country than the roll of Ezekiel. government will people will vindicate the maintaining their rights. They have done it in times past, and they in The do it again. Our to blood a tax cumb sults to upon insults and 1 tea, ancestors resisted unand shall we sue. injuries so outrageous as those and have found their constituent! averse to war This is a still stronger reason why war need not be expected, and why this discussion should not have been provoked. But the memorial itself is objectionable. lo the tbir d paragraph of it, the anticipated war is denominated "offensive war." Sir, is not G. Britain the offender ? lias she not captured oor ships ; murdered our seamen, prohibited our going to her enemies ports ? under a monarchy are acknowledged to posBut, say gentlemen, the present is an crisis, and wc ought not to emSir, this is the barrass the government. sess ? important have described? Sir, these inought to be repeated and blister die ears of gentlemen to hear them. 1 do not think that we have any constitu- and injuries repeated, till it And as a rt pa ration of these injuries, if we , I i not necessary to allude to the impressment of our sailors by Britain, noi ihe burning of our ships by France. We might by calling up these and oilier subjects of complaint, from Williams:own acknowledges) and overcome Great Britain. We have already, by the submission and co-operation of our government, become parties to the continental system of Bona(as the gentleman parte, as much as the war fever against both these nations, The memorial docs not express an opinion that a war with G. Britain would in itself be unjust, but at this lime it would be impolitic and ruinous,. As Congress do not excite a Prussians, with this not yet obliged to butn Here, sir, is that ktlvt rcAieA, Mr. Grundy declared in congress, France had (u>i\teit about us, and which must be cut by the Hamhurghers exception that wc or are British goods. -- sword -- by w.ir with England ! i This threaten wat with France, we need not say any thing on that subject. Whethei it would be expedient or just to declare war against her, are questions with which we have in this discussion no concern. Our Tclation* with that country, however, at this continental system must he combatteil, or We are a ruined people. The more we give up, the greater are Bonaparte's demands on us, take Canada, will it be offensive war on our part? The British have long impressed our sailors. This is ftn oflVnce which admits of no excuse. Gentlemen talk about protections. It isan insulttometilion (hem. What right has Britain (osay, that wc shall furnish paper protections to our sailors, in order lo prevent their being impressed ? Sir, their country should be their protection. Suppose we should dcm.mil of the British that their sailors should ail have protections, or that we would impress them Would that wherever wc could find them. nation submit to it? This is a subject of just war. very lime for us to raise our veice-- when our destinies are trembling on the dial's point of the crisis, it may be our salvaiion. It is said that congress have determined on (his subject, and (hat our interference will But politicians sometimes have no effect. change their opinions. The gentleman from Alfred, (Mr. Holmes) from his knowledge of human nature, must he perfectly sensimid congress may yet ble of litis fact change their cletermiualion on Ihis subject. Wc do tiot wish to oinbarrass litem, but to : tional right to interpose in this eral manner up. on a subject exclusively vested in the fedgovernment. I believe it unconstitutional, because I find no mention made in the constitution of such a right. The reason of the thing also is against it. If this right belongs to the legislature of onestat;. belongs to all. One state may patjtioa one way, and another state will sendu diit rectly contrary petition. If this practice is continued, it will tend to bring on civil war. For these reasons, I shall vote against this, throw give I light upon their pith. We would memorial. Col. Chosbv, of Brook/tell, said that hi; constituents were almost unanimously op- hem the voice of ihe people of NcwKugbud, the bone ami muscle of the rounmust tight the battles which the who try, government wage they declare war, the bloo.l of the nation will he on their heads j and if Our fathers fought to resist a litilc ami the more flagrant his abuse and de- predations. no moment, furnish an argument against engaging in war with England. The Hornet has brought us a mere mockery of negodalion, as far as we are permitted by our gov- ernment pai lies, te to see the documents, and Bonaseems determined to make us his al- What says the Duke of Bassato Mr. Uarlow? To our claims for compensation for confiscations under the French decrees, he scarcely attempts 10 amuse him even by distant and empty promises of future airagement. And as to Mr. Barlow's note, wherein he states our grievances, and makes an exposition of our rights, Bassanu says, the emperor acknowledged the reasoning was ju>[ and the conclusions undeniable, but paltry lax, which did nut oppress tham, hut which they considered unjust; and shall wc sit down under the injuries of impress. men(s, and loate our fellow citizrnjf in bondage, wilhout one ininly allenipt to vindicate their rights ? Mr. Weiib. of Weymouth, said that the majority of the house seemed prepared 10 adopt some memorial of this sort, at this time, and it was perhaps useless for him to enter into this debate, for he should oppose the adoption of any memorial or any proBut his feelings ceeding upon the subject. would not permit him to give a silent vote upon the question of accepting the reported remonstrance to Congress, for, in his opinion, it was a renunciation of our rights. The honor of the U. States, said Mr. W. has been deeply stained, and ought to be the blood of the nation that washed out Why should not we regard has injured us. our honor as highly as the English regard Gentlemen would not say, it we iheir's? had treated Britain as she has us, that she had no cause of complaint, and no ocand will ihey casion to call us to account be more partial to that country than to their posed to war, and that nine tenths ot th: people in the county of Worcester had th; same opinion and wishes on the subject, and that as their feelings coincided with his own, he should vote for accepting the memorUl and forwarding it immediately to Congros[Doctor I'urrs, of Ondffj/, replied tn Mr. /Te/>ft,and closed the debate, that we were unable to hear his and we regret remarks j imprwi Important Stale Papers, Laid before Cnngrcss-- rj. tinned from our lust, fourth paragraph of the memorial slates, th.it "it would be foreign to our present purpose to enlarge upon the dttptidty and prevarication exhibited hy France in which aggravate her Ml her negotiations The C01lUESPO.NUK.VCIi: 0A m rut: uHfiicits /.v cai/AVlL. MR. VOSTtft TO MR. UaNROE. or rather his instruments, in his contest (Here Col. T. gave a sucwit!) Britain. cinct view of the operation of the French dec ices upon the commei ce of the U, States ) unprepared and impoverof our country, a vast majority he inot the per pie arc opposed to war. lub> [nits ut Maine are under seiinus alarm. The 1 ate calling town meeting* ft) ihe county 01 : Hancock to remonstrate against the i>roc jcJings cf die government, and prelit the present 1 fthc state I with Shall we then kit cuntinr-iitiiL tj/itcm! plunge into a war with England, and with our arms as well as our restuciive energies, co oper ite in fastening upon Europe and ourselves this continental system ? Remember that war with England will be alliance with Fnncc. it ciulil nut be reconciled >r (o discuss the monumerous outrages tives allvdgcd hy G. Britainin defence of -- -- m a system of retaliation which hears with severe pru-sure on neutral lights." this studied a Why when the injuries brought into view dillereiMv in the phraseology, <if these two nations are ? : When France Little lias been .tit s.tiJ in this commercial restrictions. debate about But i'*ey arc tioncil, una is Accused of duplicity varication, and charged with ihe commisBut when sion of aggravated outrages. Great Britain is mentioned, it is with a menami preis own ? not a question of war or peace, Bribut a question of war or submission. tain aoJ France have both so long ftbiujcd This is IP^fagite, Jut -J, is,.-. I had t!i; honor ol >ecing you at yc.UTiUj, Imvc jicrcvif^d in .ircc'a in Uoxa m the public printt, itated to tie ulrNcli English new-fpaper, and purporting to lm cml dcclat.ilion 01' his Koyal Hi^huen i! Regent, iIiim the orders in council will h alimlu'ely revolted from the period wrten the Berlin -md M1U11 decree, jh.iil, by Mine authentic act 0/ U>«; French Rovernmeiii, publicly p ,1,, i| tuicciulitiouiilly repeal* be expressly liderable nine t.<» etapied since hy Qrdei "i .-'iy hiJ ili.; honor of anting to you ilie giiveninu-ii! SIR Since your office I I . 1 ,, | ud I ( 1 Npedieacy vi pro. urin^f aiitU iui mtneatif .tec